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The people moving the profits. A successful operation should not be measured simply by how many passengers were intercepted. It should be measured by whether the criminal organisation itself was damaged or dismantled. ## Seventh: Work with France differently Britain should continue working with France, but with clearer measurements. Money should be linked to objectives. Equipment should be linked to results. Joint operations should be evaluated. And both governments should be prepared to change an approach that is not working. The question should always be: **Did crossings fall?** ## Eighth: Attack the business model The Government should try to make the smuggling business less profitable. That means financial investigations. Asset seizures where lawful. Disruption of supply chains. Action against online advertising. And international cooperation. The objective is simple. If the criminal business becomes harder and less profitable, fewer criminals will want to operate it. ## Ninth: Improve communication Britain needs to communicate directly with people who may be considering the journey. The message should be factual. Claiming asylum does not guarantee permission to remain. Applications can be refused. People with no legal right to remain may be required to leave. Smugglers are criminals and may make false promises. And crossing the Channel in a small boat is dangerous. This information should be available before people pay smugglers. ## Tenth: Review the whole system every year Finally, Britain should stop treating immigration policy as something that can be announced once and then forgotten. Every year, the Government should review the results. Did irregular crossings fall? Did the backlog fall? Did decision times improve? Did returns increase? Did smuggling networks suffer? Did accommodation costs fall? Did public confidence improve? If the answer is no, change the policy. That is not failure. Refusing to change a policy that clearly does not work is failure. ## What this plan is not This plan is not about violence. It is not about attacking migrants. It is not about blaming religions or nationalities. It is not about pretending that every person who arrives is a criminal. It is about controlling an immigration system through law. That distinction matters. A country can be firm without being cruel. It can enforce its borders without abandoning compassion. It can protect genuine refugees while refusing claims that do not meet the legal requirements. And it can challenge government policy without turning against its fellow citizens. ## The first hundred days If a new government genuinely wanted to begin changing the system, it should not spend its first hundred days simply making speeches. It should publish the numbers. Identify the backlog. Increase processing capacity. Begin negotiations on returns. Strengthen the fight against smuggling networks. Review the agreement with France. Set measurable targets. And publish progress regularly. The public would then have something much more useful than promises. They would have evidence. And that is ultimately what this book is asking for. **Evidence.** **Accountability.** **Results.** The question is no longer simply: **?What is wrong??** We now have to ask: **?What happens if these changes still aren't enough??** # Chapter Sixteen ## What If It Still Doesn't Work? Every government likes to announce a solution. The difficult part comes afterwards. What happens if the numbers do not fall? What happens if the boats keep coming? What happens if the backlog grows again? What happens if the smugglers simply change their methods? A serious immigration policy needs an answer to those questions before the problem occurs. ## Measure the result, not the promise Suppose the Government introduces a new policy and announces that it will reduce Channel crossings. Six months later, crossings have increased.