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out. Britain therefore needs stronger return agreements. It needs better cooperation with countries of origin. It needs quicker identification and documentation. And it needs to use diplomacy effectively. Where a person has no right to remain and there is no legal barrier to removal, removal should not become an endless process. ## Step Six: Attack the smugglers The people making money from dangerous Channel crossings should be a major target. Police should follow the money. Investigators should identify the organisers. Criminal assets should be seized where the law permits. International police cooperation should be increased. And online advertising for smuggling operations should be investigated. The objective should be to make people smuggling a dangerous business for the criminals running it. ## Step Seven: Work with France Britain cannot solve the Channel problem without France. The two countries should have measurable objectives. If Britain provides money, the public should know what it achieved. If France provides policing, the results should be measured. If the policy is failing, both governments should be prepared to change it. There should be less emphasis on announcements and more emphasis on results. ## Step Eight: Give people accurate information People considering the journey should know what actually happens after arrival. They should know that claiming asylum does not guarantee permanent residence. They should know that cases can be refused. They should know that people with no legal right to remain can be required to leave. And they should know that smugglers are criminals who may lie to them in order to make money. That information should be available before people pay for a dangerous journey. ## Step Nine: Publish the numbers Every month, the public should be able to see: How many people arrived irregularly. How many asylum claims were made. How many claims were accepted. How many were refused. How many people were returned. How many cases remain outstanding. How much temporary accommodation cost. And how long decisions took. No spin. No hiding behind complicated statistics. Just the numbers. ## Step Ten: Judge the policy by results This may be the most important principle. Governments should not be judged by how impressive their announcements sound. They should be judged by what happens afterwards. Did crossings fall? Did the backlog fall? Did decisions become faster? Did returns increase? Did smuggling networks become weaker? Did accommodation costs fall? Did public confidence improve? If the answer is no, change the policy. That is how most other problems are managed. Immigration should be no different. ## The aim The aim of this book is not to pretend that Britain can completely eliminate migration. That is neither realistic nor desirable. People will continue to come to Britain legally. Some people will continue to need international protection. Britain will continue to have obligations under the law. But Britain can decide how it manages those obligations. It can decide how quickly claims are processed. It can decide how seriously it targets criminal smugglers. It can negotiate better agreements. It can improve returns where legally possible. And it can make the entire system easier for the public to understand. The real objective is therefore not: **?Stop everybody coming.?** It is: **?Control the system.?** A country that controls its immigration system can make choices. A country that does not control it is forced to react to events. Britain needs to move from reacting to managing. And that brings us to the question that may determine whether any of these ideas can actually work: **What will it cost to put them into practice?** # Chapter Thirteen ## What Will It Cost to Fix the Problem?