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What Can Britain Do? The Truth About Immigration, Asylum and the Small Boats 12 / 32
Story (Part 12)

for people with genuine protection needs. That does not mean opening Britain's borders to everyone. It means asking whether some people who genuinely need protection could be assessed before making a dangerous journey. The advantage would be simple. Instead of paying a criminal organisation to cross the Channel, a person with a genuine case could potentially have that case considered through a controlled process. The difficulty is obvious too. A legal route has to be limited and carefully managed. Otherwise, it could create another incentive rather than reducing one. So the question is not simply: **?Should Britain have legal routes??** The better question is: **?Would a carefully controlled legal route reduce dangerous irregular journeys without creating a larger problem??** That is something that can be measured rather than argued about emotionally. ## The biggest change would be certainty Perhaps the strongest incentive Britain could create is certainty. Not certainty that everybody will be accepted. Certainty that the system will actually make a decision. Imagine a person considering paying a smuggler. They know that if they reach Britain, their claim will be decided quickly. They know that a genuine claim will be recognised. They also know that a claim without a legal basis will result in a refusal and, where legally possible, a return. That is a very different system from one where people believe they may simply enter the country and disappear into a backlog for years. Certainty changes behaviour. ## The goal The goal should not be to make Britain an uncaring country. Nor should it be to create a system where nobody can ever seek protection. The goal should be much simpler: **Make the legal system clear, fast and credible.** Protect people who genuinely need protection. Control the border. Attack the criminal smugglers. Process claims quickly. Return people who have no legal right to remain, where the law permits. And make sure people considering the journey understand the reality before they hand their money to a criminal. If those things happen together, Britain may be able to reduce the demand for small-boat crossings. But there is still another problem. Even if Britain improves its own system, it cannot solve the Channel problem by itself. The country on the other side of the Channel matters too. And that brings us to **France**. # Chapter Nine ## Britain Cannot Solve the Channel Problem Alone The English Channel separates Britain from France by only a relatively short distance. That makes one thing obvious. Britain cannot solve the small-boat problem entirely by itself. The boats normally begin their journey from the French coast. That means what happens in France matters enormously to what happens in Britain. For years, Britain and France have worked together on border security. Britain has provided money and equipment. France has increased policing around parts of the northern coastline. There have been joint operations and agreements intended to reduce crossings. Yet the boats continue to arrive. That leads to an obvious question: **If Britain is spending money to help prevent crossings in France, why are crossings still happening?** The answer is not necessarily that France is doing nothing. The French authorities have a difficult job too. The coastline is long. There are many possible launch points. The smugglers move quickly. And the French authorities have to operate within French law and wider European rules. Stopping every boat before it reaches the water is therefore extremely difficult. But difficult does not mean impossible. It means the two countries need to ask whether the present approach is actually working well enough. ## Britain should measure results This is where government

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